STRATEGIC REVITALIZATION PLAN
for the
WEST SIDE COMMUNITY OF NEWARK, NJ

THE WEST SIDE PARK NEIGHBORHOOD:
A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Report on behalf of the Corinthian Housing Development Corporation

Written by: Dan McGuire

Project Community
Center for Urban Policy Research

May 12, 1997

The blight and poverty that exist in the Central Ward have been well documented by writers and historians. Newark's rise as an industrial city, steady decline after the Great Depression and World War II, and precipitous downfall after the 1967 riots is generally understood to be the basic "life-cycle" of the city. As the city and organizations such as Corinthian Housing Development Corporation (Corinthian) work to add another stage in this cycle by rebuilding neighborhoods and the lives of city residents, it is useful to explore the specific historic context in which Corinthian's efforts are focused. The researcher focused his attention on changing socioeconomic conditions in the West Side Park neighborhood between WWII and 1970, as well as on specific historic buildings and resources that exist today.

The research revealed a robust neighborhood that stood tall in the face of the city's decline until the 1960s, when it fell faster and harder than most other neighborhoods in the city, which had declined gradually since the Great Depression and World War II. The bustling Springfield and South Orange Avenues, grand West Side Park and numerous institutions provided entertainment, education, shopping, religion and other needs for neighborhood residents. Many of these resources are today gone, neglected or underutilized. Yet it may just be that the revitalization of the Central Ward can capitalize on the unique history and characteristics of the West Side Park neighborhood.

The purpose of this research is threefold. First, it is intended to provide Corinthian with a greater historic context and identity for the West Side Park area neighborhood. Of particular interest is how this neighborhood reflected or differed from the conditions affecting the city as a whole during the period between World War II and the 1967 riots. Newark's overall decline began after the Great Depression and World War II. No neighborhood was immune from its effects, as job loss and rising property taxes were citywide problems. Many other problems, though, existed or were more prevalent in some areas and not in others (either being brought on or exacerbated by the city's downturn). The research for this project indicates that the West Side Park neighborhood possessed characteristics that placed it above the city average in many important socioeconomic categories, indicating a better standard of living in this part of the city through the 1960 census. It would also appear that the area was partially a victim of this better living. When the neighborhood did decline, it fell harder and faster than the city had: between 1960 and 1970, the West Side Park neighborhood went from being well above the conditions in the city to well below city averages.

The second purpose of the research is to provide photo documentation of historic sites or events specific to this area that might assist Corinthian in future projects, fundraising, or other advocacy. Photos of the civil unrest of 1967 and of historic West Side Park may be of particular interest.

Finally, this document seeks to identify types of historic considerations that Corinthian may wish to explore as it pursues its comprehensive planning efforts. As the 1990 Newark Master Plan notes:

Historic resources can be used to protect or enhance an area, gain funding for revitalization or site-specific projects, provide opportunities for community activities or just create sense of pride and stability in the community. Understanding the history and what resources exist is the first step in making history a tool for community development.

Because little or nothing has been written regarding the history of the West Side Park area, the researcher determined to draw on a wide variety of data sources to piece together a picture of life in this neighborhood between WWII and 1970. Census data from 1950-1970 was utilized to track socioeconomic conditions in the area. For the purpose of this study, four census tracts bordering West Side Park were used to analyze the neighborhood. The 52-city block area (see Figure 1) is within the 96-block project area of Corinthian HDC. However, these tract boundaries comprise an area that is probably larger in size than what most people, including the Project Community research groups, would define as the park neighborhood).

Numerous data sources were reviewed as part of the research effort. Master plans, city directories, Sanborn fire insurance maps, city yearbooks, commissioned studies on race-relations and the riots, and secondary sources were utilized. Secondary sources were used primarily for exploring the importance of historic features in the context of neighborhood preservation/revitalization.

Photographs, postcards, maps and other pictorial depictions of the West Side Park area were also reviewed in support of the project goal of providing Corinthian with material that might assist their development and advocacy efforts in the project area. The NJ Room of the Newark Public Library maintains a substantial collection of photographs, maps and illustrations. The photo file on the Newark riots was reviewed for the purposes of identifying any pictures specific to the neighborhoods around West Side Park. Since most of the riot activity in the West Side Park study area took place along the commercial corridors of Springfield Avenue and South Orange Avenue, the search focused on these streets. However, insofar as "ground-zero" of the riot was closer to Hayes Homes to the east of the West Side Park area, it was important to be able to identify pictures that accurately depicted the conditions in the smaller project area.

The location of where riot photos were taken were either not provided or were typically very general (e.g. Springfield Avenue). The researcher therefore used context from within the photos (such as street signs or business names) in conjunction with the Price & Lee City Directory from 1964-65 to identify which photographs depicted riot activity specific to Corinthian's project area. A full description of how the location of each photo was determined is included in the Appendix. Using this method, several grim scenes were identified as actions taking place in Corinthian's 96-block study area (several of which were taken just a few blocks from Corinthian's offices).

The researcher used the library's photo table to take pictures of the pictures (any discoloration or other problems with the clarity of photos is probably a result of the age of the picture or the quality of the original photo). Postcards depicting historic areas such as West Side Park and several schools in the project area were also reproduced in this manner.

INSERT FIGURE 1

Finally, it should be noted that the researcher is not expert in the field of historic preservation, nor is this study intended to represent a survey of the entire West Side Park area for historic sites. This would certainly be a worthwhile project, but should be pursued through a qualified individual or firm, and be coordinated with other planning and development activities.

Founded in 1666, Newark is the third oldest major city in the United States. As it prospered through the 1800s and the first quarter of the twentieth century, the state's largest city bustled with industry, commerce, retail activity, and vibrant neighborhoods. After the Great Depression and World War II, however, Newark suffered a decline in fortunes that was being paralleled in older urban areas around the nation. Federal policies played a large part in this decline. Interstate highway construction opened the suburbs up to the masses. GI bills made home ownership a possibility for a segment of society that couldn't afford this opportunity in the past, and the suburbs were a more affordable option than housing in the city. Finally, the boom in automobile ownership and the growth in commercial trucking made it unnecessary for a multitude of homeowners and businesses to remain in cities. These were but a few of the major policies and trends that accompanied (and, in fact, helped to spur) the national prosperity that followed the war: actions that attracted businesses and residents out of Newark. At the same time, the mechanization of farming techniques in the south was responsible for a huge in-migration of the black population to northern cities, of which Newark was no exception.

Like many rust-belt cities, Newark found itself hard-pressed to cope with these enormous changes, which were drastically reducing its tax base. More unique to Newark was its aging housing stock and a city government machine in which, it would be described in later years, "everything was for sale." The worsening situation finally exploded in the summer of 1967, when the Newark riots thrust the plight of urban areas onto the front pages and evening news programs, and caused a precipitous fall in the conditions of the city.

Though the city as a whole began to decline in the 1930s, research revealed that the West Side Park area maintained itself as an above-average neighborhood approximately through the early 1960s. While this will be documented below through Census data and other official statistical sources, other information about the "street scene" also shows the vibrancy of the neighborhood.

Sanborn fire insurance maps and other maps show a good deal of activity around the West Side Park area. Around the residential areas, active businesses provided goods, services and entertainment to the locals. The nearby Laurel Garden Amusement Hall (complete with a summer theatre) was perhaps the largest entertainment venue in the area, located on Springfield Avenue by 18^th Avenue (one block from Corinthian's current headquarters). This venue played host to some of the biggest names in the Swing Era of jazz-artists like Count Basie and Duke Ellington-before Newark's vibrant night life started to die out with the popularization of televisions and jukeboxes. Other entertainment options in the neighborhood included a movie house and dance hall on the corner of 16^th Avenue and South 18^th Street, another movie theater on Springfield and Fairmount Avenues, and the Astor Theater at Springfield and 16^th Avenue. A "Bohemian Auditorium" was also located at the corner of 19^th Avenue and South 17^th Street.

Trolley lines ran not only on South Orange and Springfield Avenues, but also up 16^th Avenue up to a hub and turnaround at South 20^th Street by the Irvington border. This allowed residents around West Side Park relatively easy access to jobs throughout the city, as well as promoted retail activity along the two busy corridors. With over 500 active businesses and only 9 vacant stores (as identified by the 1947 city directory), merchants and retailers were clearly in demand and providing a diverse array of goods and services to the population. Between Bergen Street and South 20^th Street (the eastern and westernmost portions of the 96-block Corinthian service area), Springfield and South Oranges Avenues combined to host the following in 1947:

Statistics also show that the West Side Park neighborhood was one of the city's more solid areas in the years after the war. The 1944 Master Plan showed that, even as people were moving out from the oldest and most industrialized sections of the city, the West Side Park neighborhood was one of the few communities city to have actually gained population between 1920 and 1940 (see Figures 2 and 3). The 1950 census tallied 16,684 people in the area (see Table 1). Over 98 percent of residents were white, which was an extremely high percentage in 1950 considering over 17 percent of the city was comprised of black residents. Even through 1960, when blacks accounted for 34 percent of Newark's population, the West Side Park area was only 19 percent black (Tract 35, on the Irvington border, was still over 98 percent white).

A strong ethnic population, including a large percentage of immigrants, lived in the area. The 1950 census shows that immigrants comprised 19.7 percent of the neighborhood's population (see Table 2). This is notably higher than the city average of 14.6 percent. The largest ethnic populations included Italians, Russians and Polish residents, and doubtless contained a large number of Jewish citizens (though this was not quantified in the research). The Jewish population reached its peak in Newark in 1948, at which time there were over 60,000 Jews in Newark (Winters, 1990). It is highly likely that many of the Russians in the neighborhood (particularly in Tract 26, which borders the Vailsburg section) attended the newly formed Mt. Sinai Congregation (which today is the longest continuously operating Jewish congregation in Newark). Others may have attended Ahavath Zion on 16^th Avenue. Ethnic populations of other religions may have

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TABLE 1: Population in West Side Park Neighborhood

TABLE 2: Foreign Population in the West Side Park Neighborhood

worshipped at the former Ukranian Church at 683 South 19^th Street, the First German Reformed Church on Blum Street, or at other institutions.

There were other indicia of a good quality of life in the park community. Median household income in 1950 was higher in each of the four tracts comprising the neighborhood than the city average (see Table 3). In Tract 35, where the median income was highest at $3,500, it was over $500 more than the city average. This is a 14 percent difference that would equate to approximately $3,500 above the city average if adjusted for inflation to 1995 dollars.

Despite the aging of the housing stock throughout the city, West Side Park's local housing was apparently holding up well. The 1960 Census identified that only 22 dwellings in the neighborhood were built in the 1940s, with the remaining 4,416 built in 1939 or earlier. Yet the same census showed that only 37 homes in the neighborhood (less than 1%) were dilapidated in 1960, and only 21 percent were deteriorating at that time. Based on these numbers, it is easy to speculate that ten or twenty years earlier, in the 1940s and 1950s, the neighborhood's housing stock was in even better condition.

Even before WWII, the Great Depression had taken its toll on the City. By 1939 Newark had lost its employment dominance in New Jersey. In 1909 the city had 20 percent of all the jobs in the state; by 1939 it had only 11 percent of the jobs. For the same period of time, Newark's share of all the state's wages fell from 25 percent to just 10 percent. As a result, the city budget fell from $58 million in 1938 to $45 million in 1944, but the tax rate increased from $4.61 to $5.30 during the same six years. The loss of industry and manufacturing was at the root of the problem: during this relatively short period, $300 million in assessed valuation was lost (Cunningham, 1990).

Newark clearly recognized that massive changes that were occurring in the city (even if they may have been unable to respond to them effectively). One interesting effort to deal with an aspect of the changing fabric of the city was the 1959 report, Newark: A City in Transition, prepared for the Mayor's Commission on Group Relations. Over 7,000 Newark residents were surveyed to get their reaction to scenarios involving whites, blacks, and Puerto Ricans. It is particularly interesting to view the answers while keeping the census data for the West Side Park neighborhood in mind (which was closer to the 1960 census results than the 1950 by this time). The neighborhood was still mostly white at the time of the study, and had a large ethnic population.

One survey question asked whites in different neighborhoods if they agreed with the statement that "it would be a good idea to keep Negroes from moving into white neighborhoods." In the entire city, 64 percent of the respondents agreed with this

Table 3: Median Household Income, 1950-1970

statement, while only 28 percent disagreed. The percentages were much higher in predominantly white neighborhoods like North Newark (70 percent agreed), Vailsburg (75 percent agreed), and in the Central Ward (69 percent), where the West Side Park neighborhood is located. The percentage of white respondents who agreed with the statement was lower in neighborhoods that were home to larger black populations. Such areas included the CBD/South Broad Street area (57 percent) and Weequahic/Dayton Street, which had a large Jewish population. In Clinton Hill, where a strenuous effort had been made through a neighborhood organization to integrate the area, 50 percent of residents (a city low) agreed that it would be a good idea to keep Negroes from moving into white neighborhoods. By these reactions, it would seem that those areas that had already experienced an influx of, and introduction to, more black residents and neighbors were less likely to agree that blacks should be excluded from these neighborhoods than in the more white-dominated areas.

The citywide response to the question of blacks moving into white neighborhoods was also broken down by the ethnic and religious backgrounds of the white respondents. The citywide answers appear to contradict what might have been presumed about the West Side Park area, given the earlier responses from whites in the neighborhood, as well as the U.S. Census data.

The survey reviewed which respondents were of the Catholic, Protestant and Jewish religions. Jews were well below the average of respondents who agreed with the statement that it was a good idea to keep blacks out of predominantly white neighborhoods. In fact, less than half (48 percent) agreed with the statement. Catholics and Protestants were both above the 64 percent citywide average in approving the statement. Many sources have noted that the struggle of the Jews and blacks for civil and equal rights (in the United States and, for Jews, abroad) were closely linked, and that activist groups for these populations often worked together in Newark. Certainly both groups were familiar with persecution and alienation, and this may be the reason why the majority of Jews surveyed in the study did not agree with the statement regarding the exclusion of blacks from neighborhoods.

Persecuted ethnic populations (many of which included large numbers of Jews) were also less likely to agree with the statement. Of four major ethnic populations explored through a breakout of the survey respondents, people of Russian descent were the only group below the city average response of 64 percent (58 percent approved), though Poles were just over the average with 66 percent. People of Irish and Italian stock apparently had forgotten that their ancestors had also felt the sting of persecution in earlier generations of American history, and were above the city average in approving of the exclusion of blacks from white neighborhoods.

Outright rejection of residents' neighborhood by whites was highest in the Central Ward. Citywide, negative evaluation of neighborhoods by whites was most often attributed to the presence of blacks (42%) or an "undesirable element" (36%). Throughout Newark, 20 percent of reasons given for moving were related to the influx of black neighbors. However, 28 percent listed inadequate housing, 16 percent individual reasons (new job, etc.), 11 percent noted taxes/rent too high. (Mayor's Commission, 1959).

In the city as a whole, 75 percent of whites that were surveyed thought that property values would drop if blacks moved into the neighborhood. Only 2 percent said it would go up, 11 percent no change, 12 percent no answer. In the Central Ward, the number of respondents was too low for statistically significant percentages. However, 22 people believed property values would go down, only 3 answered that they would go up, 2 predicted they would remain the same, and 13 respondents provided no answer. (Mayor's Commission, 1959).

It is not possible to extract West Side Park opinion from the results of the Central Ward surveying. On the one hand, there was clearly a sizeable population of Jewish and ethnic populations in the neighborhood--groups that had shown some willingness to accept blacks as neighbors. On the other hand, other survey information indicated that the whitest neighborhoods were the ones that were the least likely to accept blacks as neighbors, and West Side Park was predominantly white (some parts as high as 98 percent).

Census data, master plans, secondary sources and other material show that the West Side Park resisted the effects of the city's demise longer and better than most neighborhoods in the city. However, from 1960 to 1970 the park neighborhood declined--and from its relatively lofty position the fall was faster, further and harder than that experienced by most other areas of the city. In less than ten years the neighborhood declined to a level below which most other parts of the city had not sunk even after 20-30 years of continuous decline.

Table 1 illustrated that while the City of Newark as a whole was experiencing a substantial increase in the nonwhite population in 1950 and 1960, the West Side Park neighborhood remained predominantly white. In 1950, the neighborhood was almost 99 percent white, whereas the city as a whole was 17 percent black. In 1960, when over one-third of the city was inhabited by non-white residents, the West Side Park area was just over half of this percentage (19 percent). In Tract 35, black residents still accounted for less than 2 percent of the population in 1960.

Yet whereas other portions of the city were experiencing a steady influx of black residents over several decades, between 1960 and 1970 the park neighborhood experienced an extraordinary population metamorphosis over this relatively short time. Of the 97,507 white residents who left the city during the decade, 8,145 (8.4 percent of all white out-migrants) were from the park neighborhood. At the same time, the black population in the 52-city block West Side Park area grew by 11,331. This increase accounted for 16.5 percent of all new black residents in the city during the decade. Based on the disturbing results of the 1959 survey on group relations, it is not surprising that the neighborhood was unable to sustain any integration. Instead, white residents chose to move out.

Today, the Central Ward is known for having a very low median age. The 1960s show that this is when the problem first became acute. A review of census data shows that the West Side Park neighborhood lost a considerable portion of its primary wage earning population in this short time (as shown on Table 4). The 1950 Census shows that three of the four tracts around the park had equal or a greater number of residents of ages 21 or older than the city (69.6 percent of the total population was 21 or over in 1950). This age group can generally be identified with wage-earners with disposable incomes, as well as with the family unit.

Though there was a slight decline in the neighborhood that paralleled the city's loss of this older population between 1950 and 1960, it was in the 1960s that the population changed drastically. As shown in Table 4, while Newark itself experienced a 10 percent drop in the number of residents age 21 and over during the decade, Census tracts around West Side Park experienced drops between 18 and 27 percent.

This ever-youthful population is reflected in yet another group of census data: median household income. Table 3 illustrated that the West Side Park neighborhood went from having every tract in the area being above the city average in 1950 (in some cases, substantially above), to having every tract below the city average in 1970 (in some cases, substantially below).

The poor housing stock in the West Side Park neighborhood is a well-documented problem that has its roots in the building activity of the first half of the century. The 1947 city master plan identified huge swaths of the city where housing was either blighted and needing rehabilitation, or was obsolete and in need of clearance. As shown on the following graphics from that document (Figures 4 and 5), the larger overall area around West Side Park was already considered blighted back in 1947, with between 12.5 and 25 percent of dwelling units considered substandard. (Master Plan, 1947). (note: the Census data that was discussed earlier showed that the neighborhoods closest to the park were in much better condition than housing closer to the center of the city).

Despite this recommendation, between the end of WWII and 1957, only 8,500 new housing units were built in the entire city. Of these new units, 5,500 were public housing, 2,100 were comprised of one apartment building. Only 900 were privately-financed. This

TABLE 4: Number of Residents Age 21 and Older

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averages less than 90 new, privately-funded units per year between 1946 and 1957--an amazing contrast to an average of 3,000 new units per year between 1921-29 inclusive. It is also estimated that demolition outpaced new construction during this postwar period (Rapkin et al, 1957).

At the same time that housing was falling into disrepair, it was also greatly needed in the West Side Park area. Despite the steep decline in the neighborhood, the area was experiencing a population increase. Combined with the growing number of dilapidated or unusable housing units, demand for housing was strong. As Table 5 shows, it would appear that the supply did not meet the demand. After the population per household dropped between 1950 and 1960, it rose sharply around West Side Park in the 1960s (by as much as 1/2 to 3/4 of a person per housing unit in some tracts). The increased number of units per home may have put a strain on the physical condition of the housing and probably placed greater demands on the municipal services in the neighborhood (including police protection, sanitation and upkeep of West Side Park). Later, poor housing conditions would be a primary reason given by black residents for what fueled the riots.

TABLE 5: Population Per Household

Within the context of the changing times between WWII and the post-riot years, several areas and sites with intrinsic value to the West Side Park neighborhood have survived the last 30 years. Some are in serious jeopardy; most are underutilized. Almost all of the historic sites are unappreciated or unrecognized by the general public.

As noted in earlier sections, Springfield and South Orange Avenues once teemed with shoppers, and vacant stores were few and far between after the war. Yet the declining fortunes of the city and, later, the West Side Park neighborhood eventually took its toll on these commercial corridors. The researcher used two different data sources-Sanborn maps and city directories-to chart the decline of businesses along these streets.

Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps of Newark were reviewed for the years 1930, 1974, and 1989 (the only years of Sanborn coverage available for the city, at least at the Newark Public Library). The data contained on these maps, which identifies the different types of building use, were used to count the number of businesses along South Orange Avenue and Springfield Avenue for each of the three time periods. The results of this analysis are presented in Table 6.

Generally, the research did not reveal any surprising findings. While businesses declined in number on both streets between 1930 and 1974, the decline exacerbated by the riot saw more businesses disappear between 1973-74 and 1989 than in the previous 43 years combined.

Using the Sanborn maps for this analysis does have certain limitations. It is possible to see the use of the structures, but it is possible that there could have been more than one business at a location identified as commercial (however, the maps did distinguish multiple businesses in several instances). It is also difficult, if not impossible, to determine if certain buildings had been abandoned (e.g if the map identified a business by name, which would imply that it is operating). For example the 315 businesses identified in 1973-74 (which only counted half of the South Orange Avenue businesses) are a substantially higher total than the 194 businesses identified by another survey for the same area (Community Development Initiatives, 1994). The same discrepancy is evident in comparing the 1989 map with field surveys done in 1990, which tallied 153 and 84 businesses, respectively (Community Development Initiatives, 1994). The Sanborn review also provides no indication as to the size of the business or how many people are employed there, additional indicia of the vitality of a single store, a block of stores or the whole corridor.

TABLE 6: Number of Businesses on Springfield Avenue & South Orange Avenue, 1930-1989

City directories from 1947, 1957-58, and 1964-65 were reviewed to provide another method of tallying the number of businesses in the two commercial corridors. Each avenue was divided into two roughly equal size segments to try to make additional determinations about the nature of the declining commercial significance of the roads. Table 7 presents the findings of this analysis. Though both corridors experienced a notable overall decline over this time period, it is interesting to observe that the western half of South Orange Avenue experienced an increase during this same time frame.

This analysis would appear to be more useful than the Sanborn analysis for two main reasons. First, it covers a more relevant time period. 1947 represents a starting point in which the city is already in decline, whereas the 1930 starting point in the Sanborn analysis would find the city in highly prosperous times. The 1964-65 closing date also presents conditions immediately prior to the riot. The second reason is that the numbers appear to be more compatible with the results of the review of the 1971 Newark Business Directory performed in the 1994 Community Development Initiatives report.

These directories also have limitations. They are much more comprehensive than the Sanborn maps, listing commercial and residential occupants of each address on a block-by-block level. However, a review of photos from the riots also made it evident that not everyone who owned a business was listed as a business in the directory. The researchers' analysis was dependent on an identification of this singularly important feature of a property. Therefore, it is likely that the directory under-represents the actual number of businesses in the corridors.

Some interesting information was obtained about the condition of the Springfield Avenue corridor in particular, including some comparisons from before and after the riots.

At the time of the riots, the Springfield Avenue Merchant's Association (SAMA) was the largest such group in the city. The association apparently identified a growing tension between residents and business-people, and had initiated a number of interesting programs aimed at attracting residents. It established a complaint bureau for residents to deal with numerous concerns about price gauging, weighting scales and other shady business practices. It also wrote a code of ethics that business owners were required to sign. Public relations ventures were also undertaken, such as building and maintaining local recreation areas, conducting a voter registration drive, and sponsoring a local boxer in his fights. The association also sought to stem the decline of businesses by sponsoring small business courses for people looking to open a business on the street (Strauss, 1969).

Even before the riots, rising crime was a major problem for Springfield Avenue merchants. In 1967, 27,398 major crimes were committed in Newark, half of which

TABLE 7: Number of Businesses on Springfield Avenue and South Orange Avenue, 1947-1965

took place in the 4^th precinct (which included Springfield Avenue. To make matters worse, the police force was 300 men below strength. "Ask any merchant in the city's Central Ward what he wants most, and he'll probably answer 'better police protection (Strauss, 1969).'" It is ironic that crime was as overwhelming a concern 30 years ago as is for today's merchants, as identified by Volume I (Economic Development) of the Project Community report.

Rather than just complain about the crime problem, the SAMA actually took action. It formed the organization Creating a Healthy Atmosphere in Newark (CHAIN), a citizens group to help the overloaded police department. The group used its own cars and radios, provided community patrols, escorts and energy (Strauss, 1969).

Crime was not the only problem that afflicted merchants. Other problems included soaring insurance rates, the flight of the middle class (replaced by a poorer, less educated consumer), rapidly escalating taxes and the insufficient police department.

Two different assessments of the damage to Springfield Avenue were found. One estimate found that 141 stores had been looted, burned or severely damaged (Strauss, 1969). Another calculation counted 220 shops burned or looted, with over $10 million in damage to 1,055 businesses overall throughout the city. Of this amount, $1.7 was in property damage, with the remainder (over $8 million) attributed to merchandise loss. (Winters, ed., 1990). This does not even include the subsequent cost in raised insurance rates.

A survey of ground-floor businesses undertaken less than two years after the riots revealed how the disorders hastened the decline of business activity along Springfield Avenue. Prior to the riots, the vacancy rate of these ground-floor businesses was 7 percent. As of February 1969 it was 17 percent. About 62 percent of businesses existing before the riot were operating two years later (19 percent had reopened but closed within a year). The same survey identified that non-white business ownership increased over 34 percent between the riots and 1969 survey, in large part due to SBA loans (Winters, ed., 1990). The fact that rioters had almost exclusively targeted white-owned stores may also have had something to do with this. Finally, many "necessary" businesses were not being replaced. For example, only one drug store could be found on a ten-block stretch of Springfield Avenue (Strauss, 1969).

Monetary loss was not the only large problem merchants faced after the riots. Insurance costs, which had been a mounting problem before the riots due to the burgeoning crime problem, skyrocketed after the uprising. Insurance either became prohibitively expensive, or was being altogether denied to merchants. Since many of the structures were wood frame, fire insurance in particular was essential and increasingly hard to get. As one store owner observed, "Now they've begun to take away our fire insurance, and when that happens we have no choice but to close our doors (Strauss, 1969)."

Merchants also faced problems getting the city to deal with the dilapidated conditions along the corridor that the riots had created. Eventually, the merchants had to sue the city to get damaged buildings torn down: in 1978, 170 burned-out buildings were demolished (Winters,ed., 1990).

Interestingly, surveys conducted in the City of Newark after the riots showed a complete disagreement between black and white residents as to the cause of the riots. Black citizens identified bad housing, unemployment, broken promises, lack of equal job opportunities, overcrowding and police brutality as the main reasons. None of these reasons were given significant mention by white respondents, who identified outside troublemakers, criminals and hoodlums, and the search for excitement as the main reasons for the riots. Ironically, these answers were at the bottom of the list of reasons given by black respondents (Opinion Research Corp., 1968).

Finally, the immediate tragedy of the riots hit close to home in the Corinthian neighborhood, as one of the victims claimed by the violence lived at 42 Blum Street, right around the corner from where Corinthian's offices are now located. Rose Abraham, age 45, was a married mother of six children, employed as a domestic helper. During the riot she was woken by gunfire, and went outside to look for her children. She was struck by a bullet when police fired into a crowd that was running up Blum Street from Springfield Avenue (Hayden, 1967). Clearly larger issues throughout the city and riot-related images along Springfield and South Orange Avenues were in themselves certainly motivating factors for thousands of residents who fled the city in the days after the riots. However, it is not unreasonable to suggest that the tragedy of the Abraham family was a crystallizing image for residents in the West Side Park neighborhood, perhaps even a singular event that prompted many to flee the city.

Fredrick Law Olmsted, who designed Weequahic and Branch Brook Parks in Newark, once wrote:

This appears to be the spirit of the design of West Side Park, an oasis in the middle of a dense urban area. Over 31 acres in size, West Side Park is the third-largest park in the Essex County Park system. It was founded in 1895 as one of the earliest parks in the historic county system (the oldest in the nation), and over the past century has provided a much-needed respite to residents living in a crowded industrial city. In its early years, the park was maintained as a more naturalized setting. Lakes and ponds, flower beds and arbors, and an extensive system of pathways provided opportunities for neighbors to stroll, swim, or just enjoy the view from one of the highest elevations in the city.

At a later date, three blocks between 13^th and 14^th Streets on the east side of the park were annexed, increasing the total park acreage to its present size. The 1912 Lathrop & Ogden Atlas of the City of Newark shows the park layout in its earlier state, prior to the annexation. It is also interesting to note the large number of lots that are undeveloped at this time, as well as see the root of the future housing problem in the prevalence of wood-frame construction (all yellow structures).

An early report by the Regional Plan Association detailed how several parks in the Essex County system, including West Side, had an enormous beneficial impact to their environs from a financial perspective.

As the city has undergone its radical transformation from a thriving city to one suffering from the well-documented effects of postwar de-industrialization and resident flight, the park itself changed. Amenities reflecting more active uses such as baseball, tennis and football were added to the park through the years, while the lakes have been filled and the exquisite landscaping has largely disappeared. County and municipal budgets dedicated for parks and park-related service have been slashed dramatically as these governments try to cope with the pressures of a dwindling tax base. The resulting inability to maintain safety, upkeep and sanitation at the park has resulted in disuse and neglect on the part of residents.

Despite the continued attraction of the suburbs for residential living, the last few years has seen a growing interest in the concepts of "new urbanism" or "neo-traditional planning," which shun the typical suburban layouts of cul-de-sacs and gated communities in favor of more traditional street grids. Newark has been built up around this same grid pattern, and the area around Corinthian is ideally suited to benefit from the grid and other qualities about the street.

The street layout in the West Side Park area has many advantages. Along Springfield Avenue, for example, the blocks are short. This is not only pedestrian-friendly, but as David Sucher observes:

As is evident by looking at a map of the study area or driving its streets, the historic grid around the Corinthian area is a major asset. The short streets between 18^th Avenue and Springfield Avenue generally have a calming effect on traffic in the neighborhood, as the stop signs and traffic lights in rapid succession do not allow motorists to accelerate like they might on unimpeded streets such as 16^th Avenue. The streets to the east of Corinthian, such as Gareis Street and Blum Street, have these characteristics as well, as well as contributing to a more "interesting" triangular grid within the more traditional rectangular pattern.

Gareis Street, around the corner from Corinthian, offers an excellent example of the potential for integrating historic street qualities into neighborhood redevelopment. The street has retained its cobblestones, perhaps saved from paving by the fact that there is so little activity along this tiny side street. This surface, as well as the slight jog that the street takes as it travels between South 10^th Street and Blum Street, is a natural deterrent to both heavy traffic and speeding vehicles. The street has also retained several historic trees. The Grace Reformed Church, built in the 19^th century, is just north of the intersection of Blum Street and Gareis Street. (note: the fire-damaged building on the right has been torn down since this picture was taken, and the Grace Reformed Church is in the advanced planning stages of building a job training center and day care facility on the lot).

Historic buildings are important characteristics of a neighborhood, even in relative isolation such as is the case in the West Side Park neighborhood. Landmark structures can be psychologically comforting in their sturdiness and continuity, acting as an anchor for a community or even as a point of reference for traveling within the area. Cassidy notes

Within the Corinthian project area, historic buildings provided a different kind of protection during the 1967 riots. Rioters aimed their aggression at stores, and not at buildings such as schools, churches and banks (Hayden, 1967), many of which were historic in nature and housed a recognized, significant community activity. Corinthian's headquarters, a former bank that one source identified as being built in 1928, is an excellent example of a building with historic character that serves the types of purposes described by Cassidy. Some other notable historic buildings in the West Side Park neighborhood are described below.

Carole Rifkind lamented, "traditionally, the church tower was the visible symbol of town or city to the surrounding countryside. Now it is the office tower (Rifkind, 1977)". Newark was renowned for the number and visual appearance of its churches, whose spires and bell-towers could be seen poking up from the tree line or, later, rooftops of the city. Many of the state or nationally-listed historic properties in Newark are religious institutions.

Two religious buildings in the project area have definitive historic and architectural qualities. One is the former Congregation Ahaveth Zion temple on 152 16^th Street. This imposing stone building has long been vacated by its congregation. Its exact age was not determined through this research, though it existed at least as early as 1930, when it appears on the Sanborn map. A review of the 1912 Newark census of ethnic populations indicates a sizable pocket of Jewish residents in close proximity to this site, so it may well have existed at this time.

Another historic religious institution is the Grace Reformed Church at 31 Blum Street. Over 100 years old, the building was originally home to the First German Reformed Church, serving the burgeoning German population in this section of Newark. The current Grace Reformed Church, operating since the late sixties, has added to the significance of the building's history through its presence and strength in the three decades after the riot.

The old age of the schools in the West Side Park neighborhood is consistent with conditions of schools throughout the city. The 1947 Master Plan noted that "practically all of the Newark schools occupy sites that are much smaller than the minimum standards generally accepted by school and recreation authorities. Most of the schools were built before there was a full recognition of the close relationship existing between education and recreation, and their enlargement will be expensive."

15^th Avenue School was built in 1895 on .92 acres. Its peak enrollment was 1,965, well above its capacity and 3-4 times as high as current enrollment totals. It was built without a playground. South 17^th Street School was built in 1911 on 1.9 acres. It's peak enrollment was 1,923, and it, too, was built without a playground. South 10^th Street School was built in 1870, and had a peak enrollment of 1,058 in its busiest year. The 1947 Master Plan rated its 16,443 square foot playground as class "D" (though there was no description of the class characteristics). The report also identified plans to abandon the school (Newark Master Plan, 1947).

Though not available for active use by neighborhood residents, cemeteries can be a valuable resource to a community. There is clearly a historic value reflected by those who are interned there. For example, Fairmount cemetery on South Orange Avenue (across the street from the northwestern section of Corinthian's service area) is the resting place of Newark's founding fathers. Robert Treat, Abraham Pierson (who later founded Yale University), and other men not only built the city, but their families were active in leading Newark and other nearby communities for generations. Fairmount also inters the remains of the famous nurse Clara Maas. Her willingness to be bitten by a mosquito carrying the yellow fever virus cost her her life, but her sacrifice made possible a cure that saved thousands of lives and which permitted the construction of the Panama Canal and other development in mosquito-infested areas. Several cemeteries in or around the project area are also notable for the architecture of entrances and buildings, attractive gating, and handsome vaults and tombs, etc. There is also a substantial environmental value of cemeteries, as they provide large green spaces in urban areas, positively influencing air quality and even temperature in their immediate vicinity. Preservation New Jersey, the state's only non-profit historic preservation organization, placed the hundreds of uncared-for cemeteries throughout the state on their 1997 list of most endangered sites. There is also a renewed interest on part of various churches and synagogues (the latter especially) in maintaining urban cemeteries, as it connects these people to their roots while also engaging in a healthy volunteer activity. Several large congregations that have burial space at a Jewish cemetery in the northwestern corner of the Corinthian project area include Congregation B'nai Jeshurun (now in Short Hills), B'nai Abraham (Livingston), and Oheb Shalom (South Orange).

Years ago, when Newark was flourishing, the city was highly regarded for its tree-lined boulevard, and even had a full-time staff for upkeep of this important resource. Despite the aesthetic, economic, and health benefits derived from trees, the plummeting municipal budget has had a drastic impact not only on maintenance of existing trees, but on planting news trees through the years. Nevertheless, Corinthian should be encouraged to preserve mature trees and to include trees in their development activities.

Trees are valuable for a number of reasons. They can provide buffers (between the street and sidewalk or homes, or between homes, for example), can increase property values, and provide a natural link between two areas.

Old trees can convey the same feelings to residents and visitors that a historic building can. Such a tree imparts a sense of permanence and significance-perhaps even more so than a building, since the natural world is far more fragile and susceptible to man's encroachment. While informal observations in the study area did not identify any streets that had so many mature trees that this canopy effect was created, it does not mean that such an effect cannot be created (even if it takes a few years to develop). Tree planting efforts, in Corinthian's landscaping of its developments, or in conjunction with other projects such as the restoration of West Side Park or other "green" initiatives, can supplement existing mature trees to create a new, positive look and feel to a street.

Clearly, several if not all of the schools in the West Side Park neighborhood are obsolete in terms of size, physical condition, recreation, and perhaps even in the ability to meet the technological carrying capacity of modern systems (computer and phone, most notably). Even back in 1947, when the physical and educational demands of schools were not as exacting as modern standards, the master plan recommended that at least one of the schools (South 10^th Street) be closed. Today, school officials have noted that the facilities are overcrowded, and the New Jersey Supreme Court has noted that the physical condition of schools in the state's 28 disadvantaged school districts is generally not up to acceptable standards. With all the vacant land in the Central Ward, it would seem physically possible (finances aside), to build a modern school facility to replace one if not two of the outmoded buildings around West Side Park.

At the same time, these structures could offer historic appeal and amenities (physical location, high ceilings, large windows, etc.) that might make the conversion of a school into condominiums an ideal draw for a section of the population Corinthian is interested in attracting to the neighborhood. The limited ingress-egress of a single building would also create the opportunity for a full-time security person, which would work towards assuaging the main concerns of would-be residents.

By continuing its comprehensive planning for the West Side Park neighborhood and working with school officials, Corinthian could meet two of its highest needs. It could improve the quality of the educational institutions its residents use by advocating for the construction of a modern school facility, while also developing a unique housing opportunity through conversion of a school to residential use. While a restored school could provide housing to populations traditionally served by Corinthian, this unique situation might also present an opportunity to introduce non-typical populations into the neighborhood to create diversity and economic growth. Some examples are provided below.

Jewish Residents

The proximity of South 10^th Street School in particular to the vacant Congregation Ahavath Zion might be an opportunity for attracting the interest of Jewish citizens to the neighborhood. With orthodox congregations, community and synagogue must relocate together. Since congregants must walk to synagogue, it must be close to home. One problem that would need to be overcome is that Jewish holidays start at sundown. Orthodox Jews must walk to synagogue, including every Friday for welcoming the Sabbath. Safety during these hours of darkness was a concern 30 years ago and would be a prime issue today. (Winters, ed., 1990).

From the 1960s, when the Jewish population in Newark was at its peak, there has been a sharp decline in the number of Jewish residents in the city. There has been only one continuously operating congregation during this time: the Mt. Sinai Congregation, located in the nearby Vailsburg section of Newark, The congregation was founded in 1959, serving Russian immigrants. It is the longest continuously operating synagogue in the city and serves hundreds of people. Most of the congregants live in the Ivy Hill Apartment and the synagogue is in the basement of one of the apartment buildings. Living somewhere else is not really an option because of cost. (Star-Ledger, 1997)

On May 10, 1997, the last operating synagogue building in Newark celebrated its first bar mitzvah in 27 years (Ahavas Shalom on Broadway). "The flame of a Jewish community in Newark is still lit," noted Rabbi Art Vernon. Ahavas Shalom has 75 dues-paying members, though sometimes it has trouble attracting the required 10 people for services (a minyan). "I see a future here," said an 86-year old congregant who had been attending for a quarter-century. "It has never been more thriving," noted another member who had been coming for 18 years. Rabbi Vernon observed "I would love to see people look at this synagogue as an option for their Jewish needs. We know we are not full service. For most people who don't live here, we can't be their forever synagogue, but we're hoping that people from the suburbs will come in and visit (Star-Ledger, 1997)."

The importance that the Jewish people place on education was also a factor in their moving out of Newark, and would have to be resolved in a creative manner given the continued decline of the education system. However, it would seem that a former school building could provide the needed space for small classes, if other options were unavailable.

Senior Citizens

The South 17^th Street School specifically holds some potential for senior housing insofar as it is closer to Springfield Avenue and is directly across the street from the park and community center. The short distance to these sites, particularly the center, is critical to allow this fragile population to be safe.

Immigrants

Another possible target population would be a particular ethnicity of immigrants (perhaps from the Ironbound). The diversity of ethnic groups who once lived in the area might be a link to certain groups today. Additionally, "a survey by Fannie Mae found that immigrants place a higher premium on home-ownership than native-born Americans. In the survey, immigrants who rent were three times as likely as all renters to list buying a home as their number one priority. Seven of ten new immigrants viewed home ownership as a symbol of their integration into U.S. life (Star-Ledger, 1997)."

Encourage property owners to promote these historic resources to develop a sense of pride and belonging in the neighborhood. Plaques, presentations, or open houses are possible ways to do this. Organize neighborhood tours to teach people where the historic sites are and how they contributed to the growth of the neighborhood.

There are funding and consultation sources that can be utilized for history-related projects. Federal (e.g. HUD, CDBG, SBA), state (e.g. DEP), and nonprofit (e.g. National Trust for Historic Preservation) can provide funding, matching grants, or advisory services in the area of historic preservation. Corinthian can also form partnerships with other local organizations, such as college history departments, the city's Historic Buildings Commission, the Jewish Historical Society of Metrowest, or other owners of historic property, to conduct research, advocacy, and fundraising. Schools can be encouraged to explore local history through research projects, archaeological "digs" (the Newark school system participates in a program called LOTS of History), gravestone rubbings, etc.

By linking the Woodland Cemetery to the south of Springfield Avenue with Corinthian's offices, Congregation Ahavath Zion (and, in between, the cobblestoned Gareis Street), this portion of South 10^th Street gains additional character and value to residents and merchants. It helps to make the intersection with Springfield Avenue an added focal point (which would give Corinthian's offices added visibility), and it would also link some of the new housing and more stable neighborhoods just south of the cemetery with the Corinthian project area. This also creates the opportunity to expand partnerships.

Since the street already exists, "linking" the sites might be accomplished by signage that is specific to the historic sites, or by just making the walk more pedestrian-friendly through tree plantings, lighting, or cleanup of vacant lots.

Although a somewhat morbid concept, cemeteries in the Corinthian project area may offer employment and economic opportunities. The death-care industry is anticipated to experience considerable growth over the next decade or two as "baby-boomers" expire. Facilities should be encouraged to assess their carrying capacity and explore the cost-benefit of adding additional space through horizontal expansion (land acquisition) or vertical construction (mausoleums). The health considerations of expanding within an urban environmental are not known by this researcher, and regulations may in fact conflict with this suggested action.

As more people are beginning to act and advocate for the upkeep of these historic resources, opportunities for maintenance and security of the grounds may exist. These positions, which would not require an assortment of skills, would be ideally suited for residents of the neighborhoods in which the cemeteries are located (knowing that a local person is responsible for the care of a facility might help to deter incidents of vandalism that do occur at the facilities).

Corinthian should investigate ways to preserve existing mature trees in the project area, transplant fully-grown trees from outside the study area or unkept areas around West Side Park, or simply plant new trees. Economically, tree planting will pay for itself in adding to quality of life. While in might be naive to think that trees by themselves can improve property values around the park, this is exactly what has happened in other communities. A four-foot caliper tree can be planted and maintained for 5 years at a cost of $300 (Sucher, 1995). Prices can range based on the size and type of tree, as well as the number of trees purchased (economies of scale). Studies have also shown that it can be more economical for developers to move existing mature trees to a site rather than landscape with lots of new, smaller trees. Corinthian could probably acquire trees from vacant city-owned lots or other areas at little or no cost and place them in locations that would improve their developments, a street, or other location.

Tree planting and maintenance can also be a social activity, one that adds to the ownership of the neighborhood. It is also a way to develop marketable job skills: landscaping and horticulture offer opportunities at a range of education and experience levels. Businesses, schools and churches can also get involved. Municipalities or particular communities can also apply for grants that allow residents to purchase street trees for half of their actual cost.

Finally, it seems that a creative partnership between the city, Corinthian and "green" organizations could be struck. Unused lots owned by the city could house, at no cost, unofficial nurseries for dozens and dozens of trees. In the lots, the trees would be aiding the environment by cleaning the air and improving the soil, as well as adding to the appearance of vacant lots. The trees could be sold to developers, private interests, etc., generating some income out of inactive property, while other trees could be designated for community planting projects.

Though this is not right for every street, and while it may pose problems for snow removal, Corinthian might wish to explore the idea of "daylighting"--uncovering--cobblestone streets that have been paved over. It will add to the aesthetic appearance of a street, while also serving to calm the traffic in the area.

City directories, Sanborn maps, photographs and other data sources could identify literally hundreds of businesses that left the West Side Park neighborhood over the last 50 years. However, many of these businesses are still in operation, whether on a nationwide or regional level. Reaching out to these former members of the community to develop new relationships could result in substantial gains for Corinthian and the neighborhood. Whether it is through straightforward fundraising for Corinthian's projects, exploring ways to bring "new" businesses to Springfield Avenue, or seeking in-kind donations for certain activities, former businesses represent a sizeable untapped resource.

A consumer study of supermarket chains. 1968. NAACP, Newark Branch.

Cassidy, Robert. Livable cities: a grass-roots guide to rebuilding urban America. Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York. 1980.

Chambers, Steve. May 10, 1997. Reason to rejoice. The Star-Ledger. P. 19 &22.

City of Newark. 1947. The master plan for the physical development of the City of Newark. Prepared for the Central Planning Board by Harland Bartholomew Associates. 1947.

City of Newark. 1964. Master plan, City of Newark.. Prepared for the Division of City Planning by Candeub, Fleissig, Adley and Associates. 1964.

City of Newark. 1991. Newark's master plan: policies and strategies for the future. Division of Planning.

City of Newark. July 1968. An economic blueprint for Newark. Prepared by the Office of Economic Development.

City of Newark. January, 1959. Newark: a city in transition, Volumes I & II. Prepared by the Mayor's Commission on Group Relations.

City of Newark. 1952. Municipal year book, 1951-52.

Federal Housing Administration. October, 1965. Analysis of the Newark, NJ housing market as of May 1, 1965.

Hayden, Tom. 1967. Rebellion in Newark: official violence and ghetto response. Random House, New York.

Kukla, Barbara J. Swing city: Newark nightlife, 1925-50. Temple University Press, Philadelphia, PA, 1991.

Lathrop & Ogden. 1912. Atlas of the City of Newark, Volumes I & II.

Opinion Research Corp., January, 1968. Negro and white attitudes towards problems and progress in race relations: a study among residents of Newark and adjacent communities. January, 1968. Prepared for the Governor's Panel on the Civil Disturbances in Newark

Price & Lee's Newark City Directory, 1947.

Price & Lee's Newark City Directory, 1957-58.

Price & Lee's Newark City Directory, 1964-65.

Rapkin, Chester, and Grier, Eunice and George. July, 1951. Group relations in Newark, 1957: problems, prospects, and a program for research. Prepared for the City of Newark, Mayor's Commission on Group Relations.

Rifkind, Carole. 1977. Main Street: the face of urban America. Harper & Row Publishers, New York. 1977.

Sanborn Fire Insurance Company, Inc. City of Newark, Vol. 5 of 8. 1930, 1974-75, 1989.

Skidmore, Owings and Merrill, June 1971. Newark model cities architectural and environmental design, public amenities program specific projects, final report. Washington, DC.

Star-Ledger. January 12, 1997. Newcomers achieve the 'American dream' of homeownership. Real-estate section.

Strauss, David. April, 1969. An analysis of the problems faced by merchant's in Newark's riot-torn Central Ward.

Sucher, David. 1995. City comforts: how to build an urban village. City Comforts Press, Seattle. 1980.

Thompson. Homeboy came to Orange. (NJ Reference Room, Newark Public Library).

US Department of Commerce, Bureau of Census. City of Newark, 1950, 1960, 1970.

Winters, Stanley, ed. 1990. Newark: the durable city. New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, NJ. 1990.

Winters, Stanley, ed. 1978. Newark: an assessment, 1967-77. Papers prepared for the Conference on an Assessment of Newark, 1967-77, October 1, 1977. New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, NJ.

All photographs of the 1967 riots, postcards, and maps were obtained through the Photograph & Illustration Collection in the New Jersey Room of the Newark Public Library.

PHOTO IDENTIFICATION

Photo #1: National Guardsmen Avoiding Sniper Fire, Springfield Avenue at South 6^th Street.

The file photo identified only that the photo was taken on Springfield Avenue. To the right side of the photo there is a street sign that appeared to read "S. 6^th Street," which terminates at Springfield. The sign is no longer visible in the reproduction. However, this was seen as consistent with the street layout and the street that is seen directly behind "S. 6^th Street." Maps show that along Springfield Avenue in the riot area, only Jacob Street and South 6^th Street terminate so closely together. Finally, on the left side of the photo, a sign on a building that is above the Guardsman on the left provides a street number that is either 449 or 429. This is consistent with the number system that will identify another photo, as well as that other photo itself in which victimized buildings are the same height and appearance as those shown here. The view is to the west, as indicated by the street layout.

Universal Shoes, identified by the signage, was located at 403 Springfield Avenue between Fairmount Avenue and Littleton Avenue. Half of a street sign to the left indicates that the pedestrian has just crossed Fairmount Avenue, and Marie's Beauty Shoppe behind him indicates that the view is looking east, towards the CBD.

The signage in the photo indicates that the victimized store is Ritz Wine & Liquor, located at 441 Springfield Avenue. The sequence of the stores indicates that the view is east.

Manzi's clothing store was located at 404 South Orange Avenue. The Aamco station in the background of the photo indicates that this view is to the west.

Geller's was located at the intersection of South Orange Avenue and Littleton Avenue

This was the identification provided by the photo file.